Kampanj: Ed Milibands ”war room”!

VAL 2015 | För en månad sedan publicerades en översiktsplan över vem som sitter var i Ed Milibands stridsledningscentral. Härifrån dirigerar Labour sin valkampanj.

Strategerna i partiet tror att man är överlägsna Conservative Party när det gäller att knacka dörr och träffa väljare öga mot öga.

Patrick Wintour, political editor på tidningen The Guardian som också publicerade översiktsbilden, skrev om partiets strategi som skall besegra de konservativa.

The fate of the party may lie in this open-plan room. Such war rooms, made famous by the US Democrats in the 1990s, are essentially about information mobility. They have been described as “catalysts for decision-making”.

The aim is to get information to the people who need it in real time and by having the decision-makers all in one place to make sure the strategic decisions turn into reality in both the campaign “ground war” and “air war”. That is more than a battle for the hourly news cycle, but what is happening on doorsteps and on social media such as Facebook.

[…]

In terms of a traditional air war – a hostile media environment in which Labour can probably hope at best to scrape a draw – Labour strategists believe they have been competitive. One official said: “Any party has to bury its negatives and accentuate its positives. The Conservatives have done the opposite.”

[…]

Labour hopes its strength lies with its ground war. Miliband himself this week described the Conservative party as a “virtual party. It is a Lynton Crosby hologram” [referring to the party’s election campaign chief].

Labour reckons it has a competitive advantage in its activist base and is well on course to deliver on its target to hold 4m doorstep conversations. By this weekend it will have reached 2.5m, and its field team reckons in marginal seats it was getting out more material than the Tories.

Some independent evidence to confirm this advantage exists. As ConservativeHome, a Conservative website, pointed out this week, Ashcroft polling showed in 10 key marginals that Labour, according to voter recall, was now leading the Tories in contacts with voters. The average increase in the share of voters contacted by Tory campaigns in the 10 key seats is 35 percentage points, while the same figure for Labour campaigns is almost 55 percentage points.

Bild: The Guardian.

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Kampanj: Labour demoraliserat i Storbritannien!

LEDARSKAP: Kampen om vem som skall bli Labours nästa partiledare är i full gång.

Men Peter Mandelsons politiska memoarer The Third Man fortsätter att ställa till det för Labour.

Patrick Wintour som är ”political editor” i The Guardian skriver i The Spectator:

”Most vendettas, at least in Sicilian legend, are accompanied by omertà, a belief that it is shameful to betray your worst enemies even if it would benefit your cause. New Labour has long felt at ease with the vendetta, but has struggled with the concept of omertà. The Mandelson memoirs, the Blair memoirs, the [Alastair] Campbell diaries, the [Robin] Cook diaries, the [David] Blunkett diaries, the Deborah Mattinson assessment, the [Andrew] Rawnsley confessionals, the New Labour literature and score-settling would make even the most capacious Kindle fuse at their sheer volume. […]

The book is published at a critical time for Labour, when the party is in the middle of a leadership contest that appears to be going nowhere. For years, Labour figures have been calling for a healthy discussion about the party’s values, policy, organisation and direction. […]

Many inside Labour have been dismayed at the quality of the leadership debate. As one party adviser put it to me: ‘We have waited all these years, and it has turned into a contest to see who can get onto Twitter first to denounce the government. They don’t sit there thinking, they sit there texting.’ The rest of the time, the candidates haul themselves around the country in a hustings format designed to minimise clarity and maximise entertainment. Like some repertory theatre company locked in a bad production, they can recite each other’s indifferent lines in their sleep, acutely aware they are not heading for the West End.”

Och Trevor Kavanagh, kolumnist i The Sun fyller på i The Spectator.

So why didn’t the Labour party take the course pursued with devastating efficiency last month by the Australian Labor party and put their leader out of his misery? Why did it not save the country from Brown? Mandelson’s memoirs make clear that the country was the last thing on ministers’ minds. Their mission was all about self-preservation, keeping Labour in power, stopping the Tories at any cost — even the cost of economic stability. Mandelson even quotes Blair to this effect. ‘It’s not about loyalty to one man. It’s about loyalty to the party. It’s about saving the party.’ No mention of the national interest here.

David Miliband, described correctly by Blair as ‘not perfect’, denies it was lack of courage that stopped him challenging Brown two years ago. He tells Mandelson he held back because a change of leadership would have forced Labour into an early election. Consider the rationale. Having chucked out one Prime Minister, the last thing Labour’s high command wanted was for voters to have a say on his unelected successor. […]

Today, with a real leadership campaign to fight, Mr Miliband confesses: ‘We talked about “we” but it meant us, not them.” He was not alone. Time after time, Mandy makes clear he and the rest of the anti-Brown faction were interested solely in their political futures, not the fate of Britain. This government was cursed with the certainty of entitlement.

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