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Posts Tagged ‘Vita Huset’

STATE OF THE UNION | Det gäller att mjölka presidents tal till nationen på så mycket positivt som möjligt.

I videon ovan beskriver Vita husets nya Communications Director Jennifer Palmieri förberedelserna inför Barack Obamas tal. 

Men allt handlar inte bara om att sprida positiva budskap och ge information hur man kan ta del av upplevelsen.

Det handlar också om att se till att republikanernas officiella respons på talet uppfattas så negativt som möjligt av väljare och media. 

Alex Pappas, The Daily Caller, skriver:

“My name is Annette Capella. I’m a senior citizen living in St. John’s County, Florida.”

That’s how a Florida woman trotted out by the Democratic National Committee on Monday to criticize Republican Sen. Marco Rubio introduced herself during a DNC-sponsored call.

In press advisories promoting the call, the DNC referred to Capella solely as “a Medicare recipient from Florida.”

The purpose of the conference call was for DNC chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Democratic Rep. Chris Van Hollen and Capella to slam Florida Sen. Marco Rubio before he gives the Republican response to the State of the Union this week.

[…]

But it turns out that the DNC was hiding pertinent information about Capella’s background: She is not just your average senior citizen in Florida. She is a former leader of the St. Johns Democratic Party and a state Democratic committeewoman.

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TOP DOG | Barney Bush, First Dog i Vita huset under George W. Bush, har vandrat vidare till de sälla jaktmarkerna.

Barney Bush (2000-2013) målad av George W. Bush

Beskedet kom i ett uttalande från Bush:

Laura and I are sad to announce that our Scottish Terrier, Barney, has passed away. The little fellow had been suffering from lymphoma and after twelve and a half years of life, his body could not fight off the illness.

Barney and I enjoyed the outdoors. He loved to accompany me when I fished for bass at the ranch. He was a fierce armadillo hunter. At Camp David, his favorite activity was chasing golf balls on the chipping green.

Barney guarded the South Lawn entrance of the White House as if he were a Secret Service agent. He wandered the halls of the West Wing looking for treats from his many friends. He starred in Barney Cam and gave the American people Christmas tours of the White House. Barney greeted Queens, Heads of State, and Prime Ministers. He was always polite and never jumped in their laps.

Barney was by my side during our eight years in the White House. He never discussed politics and was always a faithful friend. Laura and I will miss our pal.

“Barney did bite a reporter back in 2008, though Bush White House alums might tell you that attests to his judgment”, skrev Alex Altman i Time.

Bild: En tavla föreställande Barney Bush, målad av George W. Bush och signerad ”43”.

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TAL | Många har vittnat om att Barack Obama tycker om att skriva sina egna viktiga tal. Och han skriver när alla andra har gått och lagt sig.

Nobelpriset - Barack Obama i Oslo den

Inte konstigt om hans stab då får spurta för att få allt på plats inför viktiga tillkännagivanden.

President Barack Obama hann knappt bli vald innan han 2009 tilldelades Nobels fredspris.  

En vecka efter att Obama meddelat att tänkte förstärka de amerikanska truppernas närvaro i Afghanistan flög han till Norge för att hålla det traditionella talet vid prisceremonin.

Eftersom han ännu inte gjort något konkret för att förtjäna ett fredspris bestämde man sig i Vita huset för att talet skulle fokusera på vad som utmärker rättfärdiga krig.

The New York Times Magazine har låtit samla in muntliga minnesbilder från en rad nyckelpersoner i och omkring Obamas fyra första år i Vita huset.  

Här är hur Jon Favreau, Vita husets director of speechwriting (2009-), minns de hektiska förberedelserna inför talet i Oslo.

The morning we leave for Oslo, he comes to us with an entirely new draft that is not finished yet, that he stayed up until 3 in the morning doing. He gives it to us and says: “This is kind of rough, but this is the general idea of what I want.” Everyone goes to bed on the plane and the only people up are Ben [Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser] and the president and myself and Samantha [Power, a national security aide], and we’re just still working on this thing. It was so last-minute that as the president was taking the elevator down from his room to go to the speech, he handed us the last page of edits, and we put those into the prompter as he was walking up to the stage to give the speech.

Läs mer: Barack Obmas tal den 10 december 2009 i Oslo.

Bild: Reuters Pictures. (Lägg märke till telepromptern.)

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ALLIERADE | Det var ingen tillfällighet att Bill Clinton var en av huvudtalarna vid demokraternas partikonvent i Charlotte.

Clinton är den främste företrädaren för vad som kallas New Democrats – en mitten-höger falang inom partiet som ser mer positivt på näringslivet och personligt ansvarstagande än vad den genomsnitlige Obama-anhängaren gör.

Clinton var på sin tid populär bland mittenväljare, liberala republikaner och Independents. Exakt samma väljare som i mångt och mycket har vänt Barack Obama ryggen under hans snart fyra år i Vita huset.

Med dagens dåliga ekonomi och en president som många väljare uppfattar befinna sig på vänsterkanten har Obama inte längre råd att tacka nej till draghjälp från Clinton.

Peter J. Boyer skriver i Newsweek:

The left’s complaint about Clintonism was that it made the party less distinct from the GOP—which, in effect, it did. When Clinton, Gore, and other Democratic centrists joined the Democratic Leadership Council in the 1980s, their purpose was to find a way to sell a liberal program to a nation that consistently rejected it, by moderating the program. The DLC emphasized private-sector growth and government efficiency, personal responsibility, and an affirmation of mainstream values. The chief prize was the Reagan Democrat—that white, working-class voter who was increasingly going Republican in places like Clinton’s Arkansas.

Clinton called those voters “the forgotten middle class,” and he appealed to them not only with his New Democrat policy program, but by relating to them personally, and grounding his own political identity in their experiences. The main thrust of that ’92 convention, and of much of the campaign thereafter, was to introduce Clinton to America as “the man from Hope,” who never knew his father, and whose mother left him with her parents while she attended nursing school. “He devoted his candidacy to that forgotten middle class, it was a conscious strategy,” says Paul Begala, a key Clinton strategist, who now advises the super PAC supporting Obama (and who is a contributor to The Daily Beast).

Although anti-Clintonism wasn’t the overt theme of Obama’s 2008 candidacy (it is surprising, in retrospect, the degree to which “Hope and Change” seemed agenda enough in that referendum election), Obama’s presidency has seemed, in key regards, a repudiation of the New Democrat idea. Clinton Democrats embraced business; Obama attacked private equity. A New Democrat would have championed the Keystone XL Pipeline; Obama, yielding to environmentalists, has resisted it. Although Obama campaigned in coal country in 2008 as a friend of the industry (and of all those blue-collar jobs associated with it), his Environmental Protection Agency has established regulations so severe that one administration official admitted, “if you want to build a coal plant you got a big problem.” Many of the workers affected by such policies are swing-state voters, who are also keenly sensitive to values issues. Obama’s health-care mandates on contraception may help him with single women and urban voters, but it might hurt him among Catholics in places like Pennsylvania and Ohio. Bill Clinton signed the Defense of Marriage Act; Obama stopped enforcing it, and then declared himself a supporter of gay marriage—the day after North Carolinians voted a traditional definition of marriage into the state’s constitution.

[…]

With a terrible economy as his greatest vulnerability, Obama has lately taken to claiming Clinton’s economic approach as his own (“we’ve tried our plan, and it worked”)—a reach that galls some Clintonites. “What David Axelrod and Obama have done is they have substituted class warfare for Clintonism,” says Doug Schoen, a Democratic political analyst and pollster (including for Newsweek and The Daily Beast) who has advised both Clintons. “At every juncture, they have substituted class-based politics—resentment of the rich, taxing the rich—for fiscal discipline, and prudence.”

[…]

Obama, whose father was absent, and who was raised by a single mother and who, for a time, relied on food stamps, has downplayed his own very Clintonian tale. “It’s very much available to him, I can’t say why he doesn’t do it,” Begala says. “It’s so interesting to me that the guy who has written the most literate presidential autobiography since I don’t know who, has somehow lost the narrative thread of his character, the character in his play.”

Bild: Tidskriftsomslaget är den amerikanska utgåvan av Newsweek den 10 september 2012.

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BURN RATE | Obamas kampanj spenderar mer pengar än vad man får in. Poängen är att hinna definiera Mitt Romney så tidigt som möjligt i väljarnas ögon.

Ett exempel på detta är tv-reklamen ”The Choice”.

För en gångs skull är det Barack Obama som talar direkt till väljarna. Videon saknar de vanliga ljudeffekterna och bilderna som man brukar använda för att få motståndaren att framstå i negativ dager.

I stället talar presidenten direkt till väljarna. Man vill att tittarna skall förstå att valet handlar om att välja mellan två tydliga politiska alternativ.

Romneys kampanj vill i sin tur att valet skall bli en folkomröstning om presidentens skötsel av ekonomin. Man vill att väljarna skall fundera över om man verkligen har fått det bättre rent ekonomiskt under Obamas tid i Vita huset.

Peter Nicholas och Danny Yadron skrev redan i juli i The Wall Street Journal:

The president spent twice as much as Mr. Romney in June, as his campaign purchased more TV ads, paid more than twice as many employees and spent millions of dollars on public-opinion polls, federal records show.

June was the second month in a row that Mr. Obama’s campaign dipped into the red, while the president was outraised by the Romney campaign. In May and June combined, the Obama campaign spent 20% more than it took in, records show.

Obamakampanjen har både försökt förstärka och tona ner bilden av att man spenderar mer än man får in.

Å ena sidan vill man lugna ner oroade demokrater med att pengaflödet är en del av strategin.

Mark Halperin, Time, skriver:

Meanwhile, Obama headquarters in Chicago dismissed the criticism (rattled derision from Republicans and nervous anxiety from Democrats) over its hefty summertime budgets for TV ads and personnel: spending now, Obama aides say, will have a big impact in their efforts to define Romney, while attempts to reach voters in the fall through paid messaging may not work…

Å andra sidan kan det vara bra med lite oro i leden för att få anhängarna att lätta på plånboken.

Michael D. Shear, bloggen The Caucus i The New York Times:

“My upcoming birthday next week could be the last one I celebrate as President of the United States, but that’s not up to me — it’s up to you,” Mr. Obama said to his supporters in an e-mail late last week.

Accompanying the e-mail was a link to donate in exchange for a chance to attend his “birthday get-together” in August.

The dire hand-wringing is partly tactical for a campaign that is likely to have more than enough money to execute its strategy. By appearing desperate, Mr. Obama’s campaign hopes it can persuade more of its supporters to donate now, rather than later.

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IMAGE | Vår förmåga (och önskan) att låta oss luras av bilder tycks vara oändlig. Det är inte bara en tom kliché att en bild kan säger mer än tusen ord.

Oavsett alla avslöjanden om president John F. Kennedys föga imponerande politiska liv – för att inte tala om hans privatliv – tycks vi ändå alltid välja att bli mer imponerade av bilden av honom än av vad vi verkligen vet.

Caitlin Flanagan, The Atlantic, har reflekterat över hur dessa bilder än idag har en förmåga att forma hur vi ser på Kennedy och hans familj.

You know the pictures. They’re the ones we’re still looking at, still marveling over, the ones that fuse some powerful ideas together and that make us fall in love all over again with a family we’ve never met and specifically with the man at the center of that family, who was apparently willing—eager—to contain the most vital and alluring of his protean energies within it. These photographs have had an outsized effect on our assessment of JFK’s presidency, and our collective feelings about them have served as his magic fishbone, getting him out of one scrape or another as the years pass by and the revelations and reassessments pile up.

[…]

Those pictures make me realize anew what a patsy I’ve been. How could they be anything more than a shrewd campaign, one that plays on the very sentiment—an essentially bourgeois regard for what is nowadays called “the sanctity of marriage”—for which JFK himself had such obvious contempt?

[…]

As for John Kennedy—what did he do for us? He started the Peace Corps and the Vietnam War. He promised to put a man on the moon, and he presided over an administration whose love affair with assassination was held in check only by its blessed incompetence at pulling off more of them. […] He fought for a tax break the particulars of which look like the product of a Rush Limbaugh fever dream, he almost got us all killed during his “second Cuba” […] and he brought organized crime into contact with the highest echelons of American power. More than anyone else in American history, perhaps, he had a clear vision of what his country could do for him.

But most of all, he made us feel good about ourselves; he inspired us. Toward what? Mostly toward him. […] The typical progressive woman thinks she is drawn to him because of his groovy, feel-good work on behalf of civil rights, but that’s an assertion that doesn’t bear 15 minutes’ exploration. John Kennedy voted against Eisenhower’s 1957 Civil Rights Act; he made lofty campaign promises that assured him the black vote but then sat on his hands for all of 1961; his nickname for James Baldwin was “Martin Luther Queen.” The reason so many women love him really has nothing to do with his actual accomplishments and everything to do with his being the kind of man whose every inclination runs counter to their best interests.

[…]

JFK was a man whose sexual life remained a central fact of his existence, who did not allow it to be diminished by anything—not his political ambitions, not issues of national security, not his Catholicism, not loyalty to his friends and his male relatives, not physical limitation or pain, not the risk of infecting any of his partners with the venereal disease that regularly plagued him, not fear of impregnating someone, not the potential for personal embarrassment, and certainly, certainly, not his marriage.

[…]

He was a winner, and we like winners. He’ll get out of every scrape history can serve up. All the aging hookers and cast-aside girlfriends with book contracts better take notice: We don’t care about you. JFK is more important to us than you can ever be, so you might as well keep quiet. The cause endures, sweetheart. The hope still lives. And the dream will never die.

Bild: Ett foto taget av Cecil Stoughton som var Vita husets första officiella fotograf. Under bilden har Kennedy skrivit: “For Captain Stoughton — who captured beautifully a happy moment at the White House / John Kennedy.”

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TAL | Barack Obama har hållit sitt tal till nationen. Här är en video från Vita huset som beskriver förberedelserna inför State of the Union-talet.

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