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Posts Tagged ‘Tory’

FILM | Den 3 februari har The Iron Lady – filmen om Margaret Thatcher – premiär i Sverige. Huvudrollen spelas av Meryl Streep.

Filmbranschen har aldrig haft för vana att producera filmer som framställer konservativa politiker på ett ballanserat sätt. Än mindre framstår de i positiv dager. Ett av de få undantagen måste vara Winston Churchill.

Om en film undviker att utmåla republikanska presidenter eller engelska konservativa premiärministrar som galna krigshetsare och plågare av arbetarklassen får den politiskt intresserade cineasten vara nöjd.

Den här filmen ser dock ut att kunna bli ett positivt undantag om man får tro en del recensioner.

Kontroversen den här gången verkar mer handla om att filmen har Thatchers demens som en röd tråd genom filmen.

Att fokusera på en sjukdom som aldrig gjorde sig påmind under hennes tid som premiärminister kan i och för sig låta märkligt. Men man får vänta och se. Kontexten får avgöra om det är ett lustmord eller en smakfull skildring av tidens gång.

Men med tanke på att filmen säkert kommer att åtföljas av mer eller mindre hoprafsade recensioner och vinklade debattinlägg om Thatchers person och politik lämnas här istället förslag på utmärkta dokumentärfilmer från BBC Four..

Tory! Tory! Tory! Outsiders del 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 och 6

Tory! Tory! Tory! The Road to Power del 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 och 7.

Tory! Tory! Tory! The Exercise of Power del 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 och 6.

Se även: Portillo on Thatcher: The Lady’s Not for Spurning del 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 och 10.

Övrigt: Den engelska trailern.

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BÅDE Labour och Conservative Party har nu avverkat sina partikonferenser. Stephen Moss har skrivit två roliga betraktelser för The Guardian.

Stephen Moss på Labour konferensen:

The start of the show is, though, frankly disappointing. Someone – John Prescott? – should strike an enormous gong. Instead, Ed Miliband, Harriet Harman and four unknowns sidle on to the stage and sit behind a large desk, looking like a quiz team. The hall, soothed by muzak, is two-thirds full; the audience predominantly white and ageing; it feels like a Neil Diamond concert.

This is my first ever party conference. I bump into Matthew Engel, a former star of this paper, now residing at the Financial Times, who has been attending Labour conferences since Keir Hardie was a boy. I ask what advice he would offer. ”Go home,” he says.

Stephen Moss på de Torypartiets partikonferens:

There are a number of different Tory types in Manchester. All the middle-aged men have Heseltine-like swept-back hair and wear pinstripes. The Tory women are glossy, beautifully turned out and tough as teak. ”I’m looking forward to hearing Theresa May speak,” one says to me as we wait for David Cameron to sweep past on his short daily walk from the Midland hotel to the conference centre. ”I’m not a fan of human rights.” But the most numerous group comprises young men with floppy hair and iPhones. Many are running thinktanks. At times it is less like a conference than a creche. ”I believe in individual freedom,” one winsome 25-year-old tells me. ”I don’t want the state to do everything for me.” Freedom is the word I hear everywhere – the Tories should really be called the Freedom party. Very few are interested in conserving anything.

I soon fall among libertarians. ”The general public is to be feared and loathed, not pandered to,” says Spectator blogger Alex Massie at an Adam Smith Institute event entitled ”The individual v the state: the battle for lifestyle freedom.” The panel is obsessed by the smoking ban. I go to the bar with them afterwards to discuss the issue further, but having a conversation with libertarians is difficult because they leave the room for a fag break every five minutes. Their economic policy seems to be creative destruction. Let the banks fail. What will be will be.

Övrigt: Framsidan ovan är tidningens sektion g2 från den 6 oktober 2011.

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LABOUR HAR tagit fram en ny kampanjstrategi som skall utmåla premiärminister David Cameron som en traditionell konservativ på högerkanten.

Enligt det hemliga dokumentet som The Observar har tagit del av gör Labour bedömningen att Cameron och Conservative Party har övergett sin mittenposition när det gäller lag och ordning, immigrations- och välfärdsfrågor.

Målet nu är att definiera Cameron som ”recognisably rightwing”.

Dokumentet har skrivits av en gammal avhoppad Torypolitiker – Shaun Woodward – som nu leder en enhet inom Labour med ansvar att attackera de konservativa.

Woodward warns, however, that while there are opportunities for Labour there are ”significant political risks if Labour fails to handle the change with alacrity, strength and sensitivity”. There are fears that some of the rightwing rhetoric employed by the government in recent months may chime with large sections of the public, as it did in the 1980s during Margaret Thatcher’s premiership. Senior figures in the party have also conceded that they have struggled to land a blow on Cameron, who is regarded as a skilful manipulator of his image.

[…]

”At the last election we faced a Conservative party (and a Conservative leader in David Cameron) whose strategic goal was to decontaminate their brand, intending to present themselves as reformed, modern, centrist and pragmatic,” it says. ”Repositioning on issues like the NHS and the environment was used as evidence of the emergence of a ‘compassionate conservatism’ – a phrase first used by George W Bush prior to his election as president. Cameron was effective in promoting a perception his party had changed.”

[…]

”But here is the paradox: whilst the Tories made changes before the election – intended to convince the public they were compassionate – since the election (and especially in the last few months) the Tories have taken major strides back towards their ideological roots. Buffeted by events, there is a growing incoherence between ‘liberal
conservatism’ and the increasingly shrill language the Tories are using as they vacate the centre ground.”

[…]

”Cameron clearly recognises some of the danger he faces in his repositioning. He is still seeking to separate himself out from a toxic Tory brand and has assumed a presidential role and style. But the Tories have become far less worried about inhabiting the centre ground they once cultivated and more worried about any perception of
appearing weak.

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DE STORA FÖRLORARNA i det brittiska valet blev Liberaldemokraterna. De förlorade både i lokal- och regionalvalen och i folkomröstningen. Och nu kommer anklagelserna mot David Cameron och de konservativa.

”Some of us never had many illusions about the Conservatives, but they have emerged as ruthless, calculating and thoroughly tribal”, sade business secretary Vince Cable.

Ross Hawkins, politisk korrespondent på BBC News, sammanfattar hur eftersnacket och de olika lägrens spin kommer att låta.

Many Lib Dems will attribute the outcome to David Cameron who they say campaigned hard for a No vote despite agreeing not to take a leading role. 

As early as February the prime minister had no qualms about reminding people Nick Clegg had once called the alternative vote a ”miserable little compromise”. 

[…] 

Despite all this, millions of people voted and even in areas where no other elections were taking place, like London, the turnout was comparable to that seen at local elections. 

Those who favoured the Yes campaign will argue they were defeated by the prime minister’s campaigning power, a largely hostile press and a tough opposing campaign. 

They will also wonder whether people who voted against the Lib Dems in the elections might have been keen to oppose Nick Clegg’s favoured electoral system at the referendum. 

Those who backed a No vote will say they won the argument for the merits of the status quo, and persuaded people the alternative vote was complex and unnecessary.

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STRATEGI: Valet i Storbritannien handlar alltmer om folkomröstningen och altmindre om lokalvalen. Åtminstone för premiärminister David Cameron.

Vinner nejsidan är det ett stort slag mot Nick Cleggs Liberal Democrats. Vinner jasidan är det en prestigeförlust för Cameron och de konservativa.

Alla förväntar sig dessutom att Liberaldemokraterna kommer att tappa mycket i lokalvalen. Så här skriver James Forsyth i The Spectator;

Cameron has realised just how vulnerable a yes vote would make him. Last year, his plan was to stay above the fray during the referendum campaign. Back then, the Tory leadership seemed positively relaxed about the result. Donors were told that they should give to the party rather than the No campaign.

But by February, Cameron had changed course. He told Conservative Campaign Headquarters to give all possible support to the No campaign. He personally raised money for the cause, agreed to the No campaign’s targeting of Nick Clegg and made the Conservatives’ local election campaigns subordinate to the AV battle. One senior Central Office source says that ‘no one at CCHQ cares about the local elections. It is all about AV.’

Cameron, far from remaining above the fray, has been the most active of the three party leaders, making regular and effective speeches denouncing AV.

För Labour och Ed Miliband har folkomröstningen förvandlats till en vinn-vinn situation. Hur det än går drabbar det primärt den konservativa-liberala regeringskoalitionen.

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STRATEGI: Storbritannien folkomröstar om sitt valsystem den 5 maj. 

Och nu använder både Yes och No kampanjerna Nick Griffin, partiledare för det högerextremistiska British National Party, som avskräckande exempel för att locka väljare.

Katie Ghose, för Yes to Fairer Votes säger;

”We have been speaking to voters across the country. The minute they hear that Nick Griffin is campaigning for a No vote they say Yes. Griffin is voting No and encouraging BNP supporters to do the same. He knows his party has no future with AV.

Tidigare använde premiärminister David Cameron exakt samma Nick Griffin för att argumentera för ett nej.

Folkomröstningen handlar om man skall behålla nuvarande valsystem (som Tory önskar) eller introducera Alternative Vote som t.ex. Liberaldemokraterna vill. Anhängarna till Labour är mer splittrade.

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KAMPANJ: Det tog de mindre partierna i Alliansen över fyra år att inse att man inte bara kan sitta still i regeringsbåten om man vill vinna väljarnas förtroende.

Och trots urusla valresultat och opinionssiffror är det svårt att se att Folkpartiet, Centerpartiet och Kristdemokraterna försöker göra så mycket åt situationen.

Partierna befinner sig fortfarande i medieskugga i förhållande till Moderaterna.

I Storbritannien (som hade nationella val 2010) är det tvärt om. Liberaldemokraterna har insett att man riskerar att tyna bort i sin koalitionen med det dominerande Torypartiet.

Och i maj skall man folkomrösta om ett reformerat valsystem. En folkomröstning där Liberal Democrats och Conservative stödjer motsatta kampanjorganisationer.

James Forsyth i The Spectator rapporterar;

In the past few weeks, in particular, the Lib Dems have been making a nuisance of themselves. The Tories have had to read the newspapers to find out what arguments they’re having with their Lib Dem colleagues. As one complains, ‘Vince Cable is just orchestrating fake rows to try to make himself look good.’

There is logic behind this aggression. The Lib Dems are worried that their identity is being lost in the coalition — and are picking fights in the hope of standing out. Before the elections on 5 May, they want to remind the public that they are a distinctive party.

The Lib Dems have also been antagonised by the way David Cameron and the Conservative machine are raising money for the No campaign — which is then spending it on attacking Nick Clegg. In private, Liberal Democrats complain that their leader is being ‘swiftboated’ — a reference to the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections, when John Kerry’s war record was trashed by American campaign groups separately funded by Republicans. The Tories, some Lib Dems suspect, are fighting an anti-Clegg campaign by proxy.

This resentment is heightened by the fact Clegg is being attacked by the No campaign for breaking his promises on tuition fees when he did so for the sake of the coalition. To some, this is a sign of rank betrayal — and proof that the Lib Dems need to take off their sandals and put on hobnail boots. They say that the party can no longer rely on the Tories’ to give them their share of the credit. Instead, they need to seize it wherever they can.

Dessutom står regeringen inför en stor omorganisering – och troliga besparingar – i hela hälso- och sjukvårdssystemet NHS.

The wild card is what the Liberal Democrats do next. Given that a U-turn looks likely, the Lib Dems could do great damage by taking credit for killing off the policy. They might well boast that they have stopped the Tories from hurting the NHS — thereby reviving the old fears about the Tories’ motives when it comes to the health service, and reinforcing their credentials as the good guys who stop the nasty Tories from doing bad things.

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POLITIK: Liberaldemokraterna överlevde valet i Oldham East and Saddleworth. Nu kommer kritik mot premiärminister David Camerons valstrategi som var skräddarsydd för att hjälpa liberalerna.

Fyllnadsvalet i ”Old and Sad” sågs allmänt som ett test för om Liberal Democrats skulle kunna återhämta sig från den massiva kritiken mot partiet.

Många medlemmar anser att partiet anpassat sig till Tory partiet och övergett sina hjärtefrågor i regeringsställning.

Partiet gick nu fram om än bara marginellt (från 31,6 % till 31,9%). Labour däremot gick starkt fram i valet och stärkte sin ledning med över 3000 röster. Tory partiet kom som väntat in på tredje plats.

Men nu kommer intern kritik från högerflygeln inom konservativa partiet om att ledningen medvetet höll tillbaka för att liberalerna inte skulle få en valförlust på halsen.

Douglas Carswell, konservativ parlamentsledamot, var mycket kritisk mot partiets ledarskap enligt The Guardian:

I hope that those at the top of the Tory party will reflect on the fact that if we want to win elections [in the future] it is helpful if we don’t have cabinet meetings in London where we discuss what can be done to allow other parties win elections. That rather pulled the plug on our efforts.

Han har också kritiserat partikollegan Nick Boles – som står premiärminister David Cameron nära – för att han har föreslagit en allians mellan Tory och Liberaldemokraterna inför nästa val 2015.

There was a game of clever word play making very nuanced points about the extent to which you have either a full merger or pact with the Lib Dems,” Carswell said. ”These clever-clever word games might sound important in the Westminster bubble but they prove very counter-productive to the Conservative interest in the country and they need to stop.

Både partiledare Nick Clegg och Ed Miliband kan nu andas ut efter att ha fått utså mycket kritik från sina respektive partimedlemmar. Frågan är om det nu istället blir David Cameron som kommer att stå i skottgluggen för sina medlemmars kritik.

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VALRÖRELSE: Storbritanniens konservative finansminister George Osborne koordinerade förra valrörelsen för de konservativa. Och redan nu är planerna igång för valet 2015.

Till The Spectator avslöjar Osborne att koalitionen i Storbritannien inte planerar något gemensamt valmanifest.

At the next election, I expect to be campaigning for a single-party Conservative government. I will expect there to be two manifestos: one Conservative and one Liberal Democrat.

Och tydligen finslipar man redan nu på det mantra som skall pumpas ut inför och under valrörelsen.

The message will be quite straightforward: that Labour wrecked the British economy, we fixed it — don’t let Labour wreck it again.

Vid förra valet misslyckades Torypartiet med att få egen majoritet. Det blev en regering tillsammans med Liberaldemokraterna men med en lägre andel konservativa röster än vad en konservativ premiärminister tidigare har haft att luta sig emot.

Osborne som var ansvarig för koordineringen av valet förklarar nu vad detta innebär inför nästa valrörelse:

I disagree with some of the Conservative critics who say we weren’t Conservative enough,’ he says. The party failed to win enough votes from Scots, public sector workers and ethnic minorities. The remedy, he says, is ‘to press further on the modernisation pedal of the Conservative party and not to retreat to the old Tory comfort zone’. The Conservatives must ‘constantly demonstrate that we are for the entire country, all sections of the population’. He says he agrees with Lord Ashcroft’s analysis: that the Tory brand had not been sufficiently decontaminated.

Med andra ord mer av detsamma. Partiet skall fortsätta att positionera sig i mitten samtidigt som man utmålar sig som partiet som har räddat landet från ekonomiskt kaos.

Underförstått riskerar detta naturligtvis också att plocka röster inte bara från Labour utan också från de hårt trängda Liberal Democrats.

De liberala väljarna är missnöjda med att deras parti har anpassat sig för mycket till den konservativa agendan. Partiet riskerar att tappa väljare både till Labour och Conservative.

Det hela låter som i Sverige där de tre mindre Allianspartierna tynar bort i skuggan av Moderaterna.

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LONDON: David Camerons regering har antagit en sträng sparbudget samtidigt som man nu inleder ett omfattande arbete med att decentralisera makten och reformera landets hälso- och sjukvård och skolor.

Om han kommer att lyckas är ännu för tidigt att säga. The Economist har tittat premiärministerns reformförslag.

Of all the politicians elected to high office in the West in the past few years, David Cameron seemed the least revolutionary. […]

Yet within its first 100 days the Con-Lib coalition has emerged as a radical force. For the first time since Margaret Thatcher handbagged the world in 1979, Britain looks like the West’s test-tube (see article). It is daring again—not always in a good way but in one that is likely to be instructive to more timid souls, not least Mr Obama and his Republican foes. […]

Indeed, if there is a spiritual godfather of Britain’s punk politicians, it is that old Celtic headbanger, Gordon Brown. If he had not trashed the government’s finances before the recession, Mr Cameron, who back then was muttering about “sharing the proceeds of growth”, might have had a “muddling through” alternative.

Läs mer: En artikel om de ”sociala entreprenörer” som har inspirerat 10 Downing Street.

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