Posts Tagged ‘Konservativ’

VAL 2016 | Vad är skillnaden mellan Donald Trump och Ted Cruz? En sak som sticker ut är deras förhållande till religion.

The New Yorker Febuary 1 2016

Trump framstår inte bara som ointresserad av religion utan också direkt obekväm i religiösa situationer.

I The New Yorker ger Ryan Lizza ett exempel när Trump hänvisade till ett avsnitt från ”Two Corinthians” snarare än från ”Second Corinthians”

Cruz däremot kan inte få nog av religion. Han framhäver ständigt religionens betydelse för hans kampanj.

En cyniker skulle säga att detta bara beror på att han är ute efter de väljare som brukar kallas socialkonservativa (d.v.s. troende, konservativa och med ett intresse för sociala frågor).

Men detta ger inte hela bilden av olikheterna mellan de två.

Lizza konstaterar att många av dessa socialkonservativa även verkar tilltalas av Trumps budskap. Och ofta av samma anledning som andra republikaner med mindre intresse för trosfrågor.

De anser ofta att Trump är en person som vågar säga obekväma sanningar.

Han är inte rädd att gå emot partihöjdarnas taktiserande och önskan att alla presidentkandidater bör följa partietablissemangets definition av vad som anses lämpligt för att vinna ett presidentval. Många av de frågor som republikanska politiker brukar driva har inte alltid gynnat deras väljarbas.

Trumps ekonomiska oberoende gör att han dessutom framstår som betydligt hederligare eftersom han inte är beroende av inflytelserika lobbyisters donationer.

Lizza skriver om hur Trump och Cruz förhåller sig till de fyra väljargrupper som utgör Republikanska partiets väljarbas enligt Dante J. Scala och Henry Olsens ”The Four Faces of the Republican Party”.

In “The Party Decides,” published in 2008, the political scientist Hans Noel and three co-authors showed that, since 1980, the best predictor of the Democratic and Republican nominee has been endorsements by elected officials.

Trump—a media-created populist who has no such endorsements and is despised by Party insiders—defies that theory. “If Trump wins, he’d be forcing himself on the Party,” Noel told me. Cruz, too, represents the kind of hostile takeover that Polsby warned about. He is the consummate political insider—a U.S. Senator from Texas with a long history of activism in the G.O.P.—but he is hated by Republican élites, and none of his Senate colleagues are backing him. The two candidates offer visions for the future of the Republican Party that are starkly different from one another and from what the Party seems to envisage for itself.

Pundits have taken to endlessly discussing the different “lanes” the candidates occupy, an idea best articulated in a new book, “The Four Faces of the Republican Party,” by Dante J. Scala and Henry Olsen. They describe a Republican primary electorate that, since the nineteen-eighties, has been divided into four well-defined groups: moderate and liberal voters, who make up twenty-five to thirty per cent of the electorate; somewhat conservative voters (thirty-five to forty per cent); very conservative evangelical voters (about twenty per cent); and very conservative secular voters (five to ten per cent). A successful candidate starts off by appealing to one of the lanes and then absorbs voters from one or more of the others as opponents drop out and their supporters look for someone else. Cruz is assiduously following this road map by presenting himself as the champion of the two “very conservative” voting blocs. He obeys every traffic sign and rarely veers left, hoping that later in the primary season he can expand into the other lanes.


Trump, though, has effectively ignored the conventional wisdom about Republican lanes. He’s like a snowplow barrelling across the highway. State and national polls consistently show that he draws strongly from all four ideological segments of the party. His strongest supporters are less educated and less well off; his fiercest opponents are Republicans with advanced degrees and high incomes. Trump has turned what is traditionally an ideological fight into a class war.

“The biggest thing to understand about Trump is that he is effectively redefining the G.O.P. by asking a different question than the one the Party has been answering for fifty years,” Henry Olsen told me. Since at least the Goldwater nomination of 1964, he said, every nomination battle has aimed to answer the question “To what extent should the G.O.P. be the vehicle for the conservative movement?” In addressing it, the Republican primary electorate has always sorted along a spectrum based on ideology: moderates and liberals oppose the idea; very conservative voters, the kind that Cruz is courting, champion it; and somewhat conservative ones split the difference. Trump draws from all four factions because he’s uninterested in how conservative the G.O.P. should or shouldn’t be. “He is not trying to answer this question at all,” Olsen said. “Instead, he is posing a new question: to what extent should the G.O.P. be the advocates for those struggling in the modern economy?”


In the unlikely event that Cruz wins the nomination, he will find it difficult to gain the loyalty of other elected officials and Party leaders, and he will make a poor opponent for Hillary Clinton. His nomination will be akin to Barry Goldwater’s victory in 1964, or, on the Democratic side, McGovern’s victory in 1972. Both Senators were too far outside the mainstream to win in a general election. Cruz would likely lose, but he wouldn’t necessarily destroy the G.O.P. in the process. However much his colleagues dislike him, he’s still one of them.

Trump is not. Some prominent Republicans fear that a Trump nomination would fundamentally alter the identity of the Republican Party, even if he goes on to lose the general election, which seems likely. The Party would become more downscale, a potential asset if it meant drawing in disaffected Democrats, but also more alienating to non-whites, who represent the largest source of potential growth in the electorate. It would be defined by ethno-nationalism at home and an anti-interventionist retreat from America’s obligations abroad. The last major figure in Republican politics who came close to Trump’s brand of nationalism was Pat Buchanan, the former Nixon aide who ran for the Republican Presidential nomination in 1992 and 1996. Buchanan was driven from the Republican Party by mainstream conservatives, who called him an isolationist and an anti-Semite; in 2000, he captured the nomination of the Reform Party. If Trump wins the nomination, it will be his opponents who are driven from the Party.

Tidskriftsomslag: The New Yorker den 1 februari 2016.

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LEDARSKAP | Koalitionen i Storbritannien har likande problem som den svenska alliansregeringen.

Trots att den engelska alliansen bara består av två partier – Conservatives och Liberal Democrats – har man liknande problem både internt och vad gäller opinionssiffrorna.

Inte minst det lilla liberala partiet har problem att hävda sig i skuggan av det stora konservativa partiet.

Och precis som i Sverige leder Labour över de konservativa i opinionsmätningar.

Trots sina problem har liberaldemokraternas partiledare Nick Clegg valt att satsa allt på ett kort. Hans strategi är att ett fördjupat samarbetet med premiärminister David Cameron kommer att leda till väljarframgångar längre fram.

Det spekuleras ständig om detta är en självmordsstrategi för Clegg och hans parti.

En som tror att detta innebär slutet för åtminstone Clegg själv är James Forsyth, politisk redaktör, på konservativa The Spectator.

Now, the Deputy Prime Minister has decided to double down on coalition. He has concluded that the Lib Dems, rather than blocking Conservative ideas, must help push through bold solutions to big problems. It is a brave path to take — but Clegg’s reward will not come in this political life. Whether he knows it or not, his fate is to become a martyr to the coalition.

Perhaps the key to understanding Clegg is that he never quite expected the dark side of being in power: he lacks the coping mechanisms of his Conservative colleagues. When the financial crisis hit, and spending cuts became essential, David Cameron and George Osborne steeled themselves to wear unpopularity as a badge of honour in the same way Margaret Thatcher had done.


This decision to revivify the coalition is motivated both by a desire to govern effectively and by a belief that public argument has only helped Labour, which leads by 15 points according to one survey this week.

Those around Clegg are unwilling to accept that he’ll be a martyr. The newly united government, they hope, will start not only to get things done but to get credit for doing them; and a recovering economy will restore their leader’s fortunes. The Lib Dems’ polling shows they are finally getting credit from the voters for the cut in the basic rate of income tax. This gives them hope that things are beginning to turn for the party.


Even so, Clegg is doomed. The problem was identified at the start of the year by Andrew Cooper, the Prime Minister’s director of strategy, in a private presentation to the trustees of Policy Exchange. Clegg’s brand is poisoned; his party’s isn’t. The compromises and broken promises of coalition have, according to Cooper’s exhaustive number-crunching, done irreparable damage to the Deputy Prime Minister’s reputation. Other polling makes the point even clearer. Ask people how they would vote if Vince Cable, not Clegg, was Liberal Democrat leader and the ratings jump three or four points. This might not seem much. But for a party struggling to break double digits in the polls, it is a transformation. This is why Clegg’s martyrdom is inevitable. However loyal his Commons army is, they will eventually have to sacrifice him for the good of the party.

Bild: Tidskriftsomslaget är The Spectator den 22 september 2012.

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DOWNING STREET | På grund av OS har chanserna ökat att Londons konservativa borgmästare, Boris Johnson, blir Storbritanniens nästa premiärminister.

En ny opinionsundersökning från YouGov visar att han är populär även i de delar av landet där partiet är som svagast.

David Wooding, Associate Political EditorThe Sun som beställt undersökningen, skriver:

Boris Johnson has emerged as the Tories’ best hope of being returned to power at the next general election.

The mop-haired London mayor has bounced ahead of David Cameron as the party’s top vote-winner, a poll reveals today.

His popularity has soared during the Olympics — especially among doubters the PM must attract to stay in office.

He has benefited from a wave of patriotism that’s swept the nation in the past fortnight. BoJo insists he is not ready for No10, saying: “How could anybody elect a prat who gets stuck on a zip wire?”

But our exclusive survey shows he is the man most likely to win over die-hard Labour and Lib Dem voters.

Despite his posh upbringing, Mr Johnson’s plain-speaking and humour even appeals to working classes in Tory no-go areas of Scotland and Northern England.

One in four adults sees him more positively than they did before the London Games, according to our YouGov poll.

He is liked not only in the capital, but in almost EVERY region of Britain, including Scotland, the Midlands and the North. Mr Cameron has greater appeal only in the true-blue Tory heartlands of southern England.

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LONDON | Den konservativa-liberala koalitionen i Storbritannien har lagt fram sin tredje budget. Detta krävde en del spinn när den presenterades.

Så här skriver The Economist i en ledare om finansminister George Osbornes budget:

It was spun as a package for working families, a way of supporting the humblest toilers in the economic vineyard, and it was attacked as a tax raid on impoverished grannies. George Osborne’s third budget as chancellor of the exchequer did indeed reduce income taxes for low-earners while freezing the tax-free allowances for some pensioners. But its strongest signals, especially Mr Osborne’s decision to cut the top rate of income tax, levied on incomes over £150,000 ($238,000) a year, from 50% to 45%, were aimed elsewhere. This was a budget for companies—particularly big, international ones—and for their best-paid employees.

The politics of this will be rough, but it was the right thing to do. Because Britain specialises in high-value services such as banking, accountancy and insurance, it needs to attract the world’s brightest. Recently the Tories and their Liberal Democrat coalition partners have given the impression that capitalism is a dirty word and that the City of London, Britain’s greatest industrial cluster, is an embarrassment.


What the country is good at is financial services and luring foreign investment: in short, milking globalisation. While insisting he is doing other things, Mr Osborne has quietly acknowledged Britain’s strengths and doubled down on them.

Läs mer: “Labour’s answer to the budget: Earning a hearing”, Budget 2012: A big splash with little cash” och ”Bagehot: The Notting Hill budget”. Ledaren och tidskriftsomslaget ovan är från The Economist den 24-30 mars 2012.

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EN konsekvent konservativ politiker. Det är så Michele Bachmann framställer sig i tv-reklamen. Och övriga republikanska presidentkandidater? Not so much.

På Bachmanns nya kampanjsajt – NoSurprises2012.com – kan man läsa följande:

“With Michele Bachmann, there are no policy flip-flops. There’s no need to compromise on one of the issues that matters to you. She means what she says, and she says what she means.”

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ÄNNU EN DEBATT mellan de republikanska presidentkandidaterna. Rick Perry var den primära måltavlan nu när han leder i opinionsundersökningarna.

De bästa replikskiftena var mellan Mitt Romney och Perry. Men även om Perry blev hårt åtgången från alla de övriga var det uppenbart att han har många sympatisörer i denna Tea Party-publik.

Att det var Tea Party-rörelsen som stod bakom debatten i Florida märktes på den engagerade publiken. Kraftigaste applåderna fick därför också de konservativaste (och nyliberalaste) inläggen.

Se mer: Debatten – del 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 och 8. Läs vad Andrew Sullivan live-bloggade.

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LABOUR HAR tagit fram en ny kampanjstrategi som skall utmåla premiärminister David Cameron som en traditionell konservativ på högerkanten.

Enligt det hemliga dokumentet som The Observar har tagit del av gör Labour bedömningen att Cameron och Conservative Party har övergett sin mittenposition när det gäller lag och ordning, immigrations- och välfärdsfrågor.

Målet nu är att definiera Cameron som ”recognisably rightwing”.

Dokumentet har skrivits av en gammal avhoppad Torypolitiker – Shaun Woodward – som nu leder en enhet inom Labour med ansvar att attackera de konservativa.

Woodward warns, however, that while there are opportunities for Labour there are ”significant political risks if Labour fails to handle the change with alacrity, strength and sensitivity”. There are fears that some of the rightwing rhetoric employed by the government in recent months may chime with large sections of the public, as it did in the 1980s during Margaret Thatcher’s premiership. Senior figures in the party have also conceded that they have struggled to land a blow on Cameron, who is regarded as a skilful manipulator of his image.


”At the last election we faced a Conservative party (and a Conservative leader in David Cameron) whose strategic goal was to decontaminate their brand, intending to present themselves as reformed, modern, centrist and pragmatic,” it says. ”Repositioning on issues like the NHS and the environment was used as evidence of the emergence of a ‘compassionate conservatism’ – a phrase first used by George W Bush prior to his election as president. Cameron was effective in promoting a perception his party had changed.”


”But here is the paradox: whilst the Tories made changes before the election – intended to convince the public they were compassionate – since the election (and especially in the last few months) the Tories have taken major strides back towards their ideological roots. Buffeted by events, there is a growing incoherence between ‘liberal
conservatism’ and the increasingly shrill language the Tories are using as they vacate the centre ground.”


”Cameron clearly recognises some of the danger he faces in his repositioning. He is still seeking to separate himself out from a toxic Tory brand and has assumed a presidential role and style. But the Tories have become far less worried about inhabiting the centre ground they once cultivated and more worried about any perception of
appearing weak.

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INTERVJU: Ibland dyker det upp intervjuer som inte tillhör de vanligaste. En av dessa är med skådespelaren Rasmus Troedsson som är känd från bl.a. tv-såpan Andra avenyn.

Att Troedsson talar öppenhjärtligt i intervjun om alkoholism och sin utsatta barndom är både gripande och tankeväckande men knappast unikt. Idag finns inte samma stigma kopplat till alkoholproblem som förr. 

Vad som förvånar är snarare den del av intervjun som handlar om Troedssons politiska och religiösa övertygelser. Något mer politiskt inkorrekt får man leta efter – inte minst från någon som kan skriva författare, journalist och skådespelare på visitkortet.

Du är politiskt engagerad?

– Jag är stockkonservativ. Tycker Reinfeldt är alldeles för liberal. Det är något av det jag ogillar mest i Sverige just nu, att alla går i den socialdemokratisk, ateistiska mittfåran. Det reservationslösa fördömandet av Israel, till exempel, gör mig jättebesviken. Det visar bara att vi inte förstår dess plats i historien; dess forntid, nutid och framtid.

Största synden inom våra egna landsgränser, då?

– Att vi inte reflekterar över oss själva. Att alla tror sig ha facit i hand. Jag säger inte att det är självklart rätt att fördöma aktiv dödshjälp, samkönade äktenskap och abort, som katolska kyrkan gör. Men det är viktigt att det finns n å g o n som ändå törs uttrycka en motsatt åsikt. Vi behöver ytterligheterna att ta spjärn emot. Vi måste rådbråka våra samveten hela tiden, ifrågasätta och debattera. Det är farligt när den välklädda medelklassen har monopol på alla åsikter. Andligt sett är Sverige ett konkursbo. Kompassen fungerar inte över huvud taget. Och det är kristenheten själv som har monterat ner den, ivrigt applåderad av ledar- och kultursidor.

Du låter knappast som någon liberalteolog?

– K G Hammar öppnade så många dörrar att vilken galning som helst kunde känna sig hemma i Svenska kyrkan. Genomdraget gjorde att även jag blåste in där i början. Men lika snabbt ut igen. Jag ogillade att det inte fanns några krav, att det mest kändes som världens dyraste caféverksamhet. Man kunde ju i princip tro vad som helst. Efter varje samtal med en ny präst gick jag hem och hade förlorat hoppet. När en av dem dessutom sa: ”Ja, det där med Bibeln vet man ju inte om det är sant”, så … Ja, alla hade en så individualistisk tro att det kändes som alla hade en egen sekt. Med följd att jag kände mig ännu mer förtvivlat ensam.

Det är bara att önska Rasmus Troedsson lycka till. Med dessa åsikter kan det inte vara lätt att röra sig bland kulturknuttar och i nöjesbranschen.

Källa: Intervjun gjordes av Petter Karlsson i Svenska Journalen.

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