Posts Tagged ‘Historia’

ÅRSDAG | Premiärminister Winston Churchills statsbegravning i januari 1965 uppmärksammades stort i både tidningar, radio och TV.

Radio Times 28 januari 1965

Radio Times, som listar tv- och radioprogram, slog naturligtvis upp det stort. Här ser vi deras nummer, daterat 28 januari 1965, med aktuell programinformation för 30 januari till den 5 januari.

Radio Times-january 28 1965-the State Funeral of Winston Churchill

BBC har samlat utdrag från både tidningen men också några intressanta dokument som visar att man i god tid innan Churchill avled hade börjat planeringen för sin rapportering.

För den som vill läsa texterna från tidningen kan göra detta enklast här på BBC:s hemsida.

Minneshögtiderna duggar överhuvudtaget tätt i Storbritannien i år. Förra året högtidlighölls första världskriget och i år uppmärksammas, förutom Churchills statsbegravning, också Magna Carta (1215), Waterloo (1815), Agincourt (1450) och Gallipoli (1915).

Tidskriftsomslag: Radio Times den 28 januari 1965 samt de huvudsakliga hållpunkterna för högtidlighållandet.

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HISTORIA | Christopher Caldwell har läst Rick Perlsteins The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan.


I hans recension i Bookforum finns några intressanta reflektioner kring varför Ronald Reagans blev så populär och idag räknas som en av de stora presidenterna i USA. Till och med Barack Obama har erkänt hans betydelse i amerikansk politik.

“He wore a purple plaid suit his staff abhorred and a pinstripe shirt and polka-dot tie and a folded white silk puffing up extravagantly out of his pocket.” This was not some tea-sipping Edwardian dandy. It was Ronald Reagan announcing his presidential candidacy at the National Press Club in November 1975, as described by the historian Rick Perlstein. Back then, Reagan was, to most people, a novelty candidate, with a bit of the fop or eccentric about him. Political affinities and antipathies have since hardened into a useful but wholly unreliable historical “truth” about Reagan’s political career, one that casts him as either a hero or a villain. It requires an effort of the imagination to see him as the voters he addressed did.


“Reagan’s interpersonal intelligence,” Perlstein writes, “was something to behold.” He saw things no one else saw. His greatest triumphs came on issues that he advanced in the face of unanimous advice to the contrary. He defeated a popular California governor, Pat Brown, by attacking campus radicalism when “the most sophisticated public opinion research that money could buy told him not to touch it,” Perlstein writes. Reagan called for smaller government when other Republican governors were trying to rally the public around “strong land-use planning.” He drove much of the country into a frenzy over the US handover of the Panama Canal, a transition that had been uncontroversially under negotiation for decades. And, alone among Republicans, he refused to hedge his bets about Richard Nixon—he stood squarely by him, even sloughing off Nixon’s ingratitude and contempt. What did Watergate say about America? Nothing, Reagan said. That is what most Americans thought, or wanted to think.

Reagan is a protean personality. In certain lights, he was a Cold War liberal who just had an ear for right-wing dialect. As California governor, he doubled the state budget, passed a strict gun-control law, and signed the most liberal abortion law in the country. Perlstein is struck by “how effortlessly his mind swirled fiction and fantasy into soul-satisfying confections.” But this is the basic work of all democratic politicians, liberal and conservative, and it is wrong to fling around the word lie, as Perlstein often does, to describe such flights. So, for instance, when Reagan claimed that segregation in the military was corrected “in World War II,” he was, yes, three years off—Truman signed the executive order desegregating the armed forces in 1948. But he was also right to identify the war as having brought about a change in ideas about race. When Reagan said welfare could erode national character, his numbers were inaccurate—but the alternative, as voters saw it, was politicians who would deny any evidence to that effect.

In his youthful work as a sportscaster in the Midwest, Reagan stumbled into the perfect formula for democratic leadership: He gained “the company of VIPs [while] maintaining an image as an ordinary guy.”

Tidskriftsomslag: Bookforum, september/oktober/november 2014.

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Mer: Svenska Kungahuset.

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Harold Macmillan avgick som premiärminister i oktober 1963 p.g.a. sjukdom. Som hans efterträdare valde Conservative Party Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Han förlorade dock valet 1964 och avgick som partiledare samma år.

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HISTORIA I ”Wag the Dog låter presidentens rådgivare allmänheten tro att USA inlett ett krig. Allt för att vinna väljarnas sympati inför ett presidentval.

History Today may 2014

Snäppet värre är att verkligen inleda ett krig. Och det finns exempel på att det har fungerat i verkligheten.

Det var nämligen vad det självständiga Indiens förste premiärminister gjorde på 1960-talet, precis lagom för att det skulle påverka väljarna i en valrörelse.

Jawaharlal Nehru kunde vinna en tredje mandatperiod för det styrande kongresspartiet efter att ha ridit på framgångarna av Indiens invasion av Goa.

Gyanesh Kudaisya, som undervisar i samtidshistoria vid National University of Singapore,  skriver i History Today:

On December 17th and 18th, 1961, on Nehru’s orders, Indian troops marched into Goa, an area of about 1,500 square miles on the country’s western coast, to ‘liberate’ it from the Portuguese, who had ruled the territory since 1510. In a brisk operation over 30,000 Indian troops overran this last colonial enclave, overwhelming and capturing about 3,500 Portuguese soldiers. Condemnation was swift, both from critics at home and abroad. C. Rajagopalachari, one of the country’s most respected elder statesmen, said that India had ‘totally lost the moral power to raise her voice against militarism’. Others pointed out that the military adventure in Goa was a ploy to divert the nation’s attention from the increasing Chinese border incursions (since 1959 the Chinese had occupied over 12,000 square miles of formerly Indian territory). Further afield, the action was ‘deeply deplored’ by Britain, the US, Canada, Australia, Pakistan, New Zealand, West Germany and other countries. Nehru was denounced as a hypocrite who preached non-violence and disarmament to the world, yet practised the use of force at home. A UN Security Council resolution against India was almost voted in favour, but for a veto by the Soviet Union.


In the election campaign that took place immediately after the invasion Nehru was able to strike a patriotic chord, capitalising on ‘restoring Goa to the Motherland’. His ruling Congress party was re-elected in 361 out of 494 parliamentary seats and was back in power for a third successive term. Yet, in spite of the criticism, no one could foresee that the triumphant note sounded over Goa also marked the countdown to the end of Nehru’s leadership. The military conflict with China that broke out in full force in October 1962 would be momentous for India, bringing about extraordinary tribulations for Nehru. In its aftermath came growing tensions with Pakistan, political unrest in the Kashmir valley and domestic criticism and challenges to his political authority.

Tidskriftsomslaget: History Today, maj 2014, vol 64, nr 5. (Fotot på framsidan är taget av den berömde fotografen Yousef Karsh. Karsh förevigade bl.a. Winston Churchill.)

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HISTORIA |  Svenska Filminstitutet och Kungliga Biblioteket tänker lägga ut alla svenska politiska valfilmer på sajten filmarkivet.se.

En paradox är att Socialdemokraterna, som var kritiska till att det skulle få sändas politisk reklam i tv, är det parti som producerat flest valfilmer genom åren.

”Det är en snedfördelning mellan partierna. Socialdemokraterna har gjort enormt många filmer och även gamla Högerpartiet och Centerpartiet har en hel del. Det finns en del från Folkpartiet men vi har bara hittat en för kommunisterna och ingen, än, från Kristdemokraterna”, säger Kajsa Hedström som är huvudredaktör på filmarkivet.se.

En av de mer briljanta valfilmerna genom tiderna är ovanstående ”Varför ska vi bry oss om varandra?”. Filmen, av regissören Roy Andersson, är från 1985.

Utan att nämna någon politisk motståndare vid namn lyckades man definiera skattesänkningar, och därmed Moderaterna, som ett hot mot all välfärd.

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President John F. Kennedy mördades fredagen den 22 november 1963, klockan 12.30, när presidentens bilkortege närmade sig Texas School Book Depository vid Dealey Plaza i centrala Dallas.

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