Posts Tagged ‘Ed Miliband’

KAMPANJ Ett parti som bara svartmålar riskerar förlora röster om väljarna inte känner igen sig i deras beskrivning.

Photo - www.instinctforfilm.com

Conservative Party vill gärna att väljarna skall se Labour som ett parti som saknar lösningar på de problem man lastar den konservativa-liberala koalitionsregeringen för.

När Sam Macrorys intervjuade de konservativas partiordförande för Total Politics var det tydligt att Grant Shapps vill att väljarna mentalt skall förknippa attackerna från oppositionen med att Labour har en svag partiledare och att partiet saknar egna lösningar.

Extra viktigt blir det för regeringen att sätta bilden av en svag Ed Miliband bland de väljare som börjat tröttna på regeringens politik. Det gäller att övertyga dem om att Labour inte är lösningen på deras problem.

The argument is one we’ll hear rather a lot in the coming months: the government is turning the economy around, has restored a rise in growth and jobs, can do more without the shackles of coalition, and must be allowed to finish the job. And the Conservative Party, Shapps says, is “feeling proud… we’ve done exactly what we said we were going to do. We followed a long-term economic plan and worked hard on reducing the deficit. What’s happened? We’ve become the fastest growing economy in the developed world. Clearly the economic plan is working.”


It’s going to be long and tough, but we have to make those arguments vigorously every single day. And whereas we have a vision for the future, Ed Miliband has another crisis.”

Shapps whips out a sheet or two of A4 from his pocket and thrusts them in my direction. “What separates Miliband from Cameron? And what’s the reason why people recognise consistently that Cameron is the better leader and better prime minister for Britain? Why? I think I’ve got the answer. Miliband has a knack of announcing crises. He’s announced 56 in the last three years. What’s that? Getting on to 20 a year. He’s also got 15 issues that he describes as the most important facing Britain.” Shapps looks up from the Miliband crisis dossier with glee. “In other words, this guy can’t decide.”

Looking through the headlines, if nothing else, the Labour communications team has been a little lazy with their crisis management. “Here’s a list of things he says are the number one crisis issue,” Shapps continues, pouring through his “fascinating” figures. “The badger cull crisis… that’s the number one issue facing Britain? This is a guy who leaps from one subject to another, jumps on the nearest bandwagon as it passes him by and tries to attach himself to every issue. He comes from the cold, hard, calculating [Gordon] Brown world of politics. The public end up realising that this is not a man who is the right person to be in Downing Street. This is a person who responds to the news rather than making the weather. You can’t both jump on every bandwagon and have the long-term interests of the country at heart.”

This is not the first time the Tories have tried to pin a perceived crime on Miliband. They tried ‘Red Ed’, the frothing socialist leader. That didn’t stick. Next came ‘Weird Ed’, the, well, weird leader. So what is it this time? “Well, it’s a ’Bandwagon Ed’, I suppose, but I’m not trying to brand him as anything,” Shapps replies. “All I’m trying to say is there is a choice. He’s always looking for the negative and he doesn’t have a positive, long-term vision for his country. Only [one of] two people can walk into Downing Street after the next election, Miliband or Cameron, and Cameron has a long-term vision for this country.”

So, is the choice in 2015 made after a presidential-style battle between two men? “Yes, Cameron is a big asset, but no, actually.” Shapps disagrees. “What’s commonly misunderstood about elections – and what I hope I bring to the table as somebody who won a seat off Labour – is that it’s not one national election, it’s not a US presidential election, it’s 650 separate contests on different things in different places.”


Back to those crises. There’s one in the list of 56 that resonates, and that’s the cost-of-living crisis. “Wait,” Shapps interrupts. “Let’s just check.” He looks back at the list. “Cost-of-living crisis…. there it is, number 21. Yes, crisis 21, 17 January, 2013.” He looks pleased, but should he be? The cost-of-living crisis, the argument that even as the economy recovers people see little to no improvement in their living standards, seems to cut through. “Look, it’s true that people have suffered huge pain over six years as this economy has got back to the size it was, when Labour – Labour – had its great recession. You know what? People have hurt and suffered from Labour’s great recession.” So it’s Miliband’s cost-of-living crisis, then? “He’s identified what he and Ed Balls were doing in the backroom while Gordon Brown was destroying the economy. He identifies the problem, he ignores the fact it’s of his own making, and then he fails to identify the solution.”

Bild: www.instinctforfilm.com

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POLITIK | Alastair Campbell, Tony Blairs gamla kommunikationsrådgivare och spin doctor, har inte försvunnit från den politiska arenan.

Total Politics November 2013

Campbell var en hjärnorna bakom den numera legendariska valrörelse som 1997 förde Blair och New Labour till 10 Downing Street.

Enligt en intervju med Sam Macrory i Total Politics har han även planer på att hjälpa Ed Milibands Labour inför valet 2015.

Men Campbell har inte legat på latsidan sedan 1997. Erfarenheterna från valrörelsen kom väl till användning när Campbell hjälpte Edi Rama och hans albanska socialistiska parti till makten förra året.

Campbell helped Rama win this summer’s Albanian general election with what he proudly declares was a “New Labour landslide”. That shouldn’t come as a surprise, given what Campbell had brought with him from London. “It was the ‘97 playbook – everything. All the systems, pledge cards, messaging, changing the look, changing the name, everything. Obviously the world has moved on – social media, and all that stuff – but in terms of basic messaging, organisation, strategy, media monitoring, rebuttal, events and visits, we did the really basic stuff, and they were brilliant at it.”

So brilliant, in fact, that Campbell has returned from Albania with a new idea for Ed Miliband: film as many recordings as you can of your critics, and play them back on giant screens to your audience. “Every voice was negative, and he’s framed his speech around it. It was really powerful,” says Campbell of Rama’s experiment, one which echoes the ‘masochism strategy’ that Blair deployed in the run-up to the Iraq War and the 2005 election. Campbell is convinced it would work for the current Labour leader.

“I’ve tried this on Ed, and I think it would work with his style. It’s not a case of persuading him, I’ve just said, ‘By the way, we did this and it was really powerful, it really worked’. It’s just out there as an idea, and I think Ed would do that well.”

Enthused by the idea, Campbell sets the scene: “For somebody to come up there and say, ‘You’re a geek, you haven’t got charisma’, somebody to come on and say, ‘Yeah, you speak quite well but you’re not Tony Blair, you’re no Barack Obama’, he can then say, ‘No, I’m not Blair, I’m me; this is what I am. OK, I might not be as charismatic as Barack Obama, but here’s what I’m going to do with energy, here’s what I’m going to do with this… ”

Tidskriftsomslag: Total Politics, November 2013.

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IMAGE | Det cirkulerar många skämt om partiledaren för Labour i Storbritannien. Men det är kanske något Ed Miliband kan bjuda på.

The Spectator 26 april 2014

“A new cruel joke is doing the rounds about Ed Miliband: that the Labour leader is like a plastic bag stuck in a tree. No one is sure how he got up there, but no one can be bothered to take him down”, skrev t.ex. Fraser Nelson i The Spectator.

Ett annat skämt är att utmåla honom som en av figurerna i ”Wallace & Gromit”. Både New Statesman och The Spectator har haft tidskriftsomslag på temat.

Ovanstående bygger vidare på temat och kombinerar det med en valaffisch från Conservative Party; ”New Labour. New Danger.” från 1979

New Labour New Danger Conservative Party 1979

Texten på affischen från reklambyrån Saatchi & Saatchi, som egentligen lanserades månader innan själva valrörelsen, lyder:

One of Labour’s leaders, Clare Short, says dark forces behind Tony Blair manipulate policy in a sinister way. ”I sometimes call them the people who live in the dark.” She says about New Labour: ”It’s a lie. And it’s dangerous.”

Även om de konservativa förlorade valet kom Tony Blair snart att uppfattas som just manipulativ.

Hur mycket affischen bidrog till detta kan naturligtvis diskuteras. Valaffischer spelar trots allt mindre roll än vad en regering verkligen gör när man väl fått makten.

Poängen här är att tidskriftsomslaget knappast skulle fungera om läsarna inte minns originalet. Om affischen varnade för en ”ondskefull” Blair så varnar omslaget snarare för vad som kan hända om en ”inkompetent” Miliband tar över.

En kampanjaffisch från 90-talet hjälper därmed Tories – via media – att definiera hur väljarna skall uppfatta Ed Miliband inför valet 2015.

Men Miliband och Labour behöver kanske inte bry sig alltför mycket. Det är trots allt valresultatet som gäller. Och alla opinionsundersökningar pekar mot ett regeringsskifte efter nästa val.

Läs mer: “Miliband spinner embraces Wallace and Gromit resemblance” 

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LABOUR | Idag är Tony Blair lobbyist och rådgivare åt diktaturer. Detta har gjort honom mycket rik. Med en förmögenhet på cirka 70 miljoner pund.

Tempus nr 10 - 7-14 mars 2014

Med en förmögenhet följer en livsstil som knappast gör honom till den typiske väljaren. Och även om han också ägnar sig åt välgörenhet har han knappast blivit populärare i sitt gamla parti.

Ed Miliband, partiledaren i Labour, håller distansen till honom. I en artikel i Tempus, översatt från The Guardian, skriver Andy Becket följande:

Tempus nr 10 2014


Tempus nr 10 2014.

Tempus nr 10 2014 .

Läs mer: Lionel Barbers intervju med Tony Bair i Financial Times.

Tidskriftsomslag: Tempus, nr 10, 7-14 mars 2014.

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EU 2014 | Vem hade någonsin kunnat ana för bara ett år sedan att de svenska partierna skulle var näst intill ointresserade av EU-valet.

De flesta antog nog att partierna skulle mobilisera inför EU-valet i år. Om inte annat för att valresultatet mycket väl skulle kunna uppfattas av väljarna som en indikation om hur det kommer att gå i september.

Idag ser det mer ut som om partierna vill spara på krutet. Varför slösa bort en massa pengar när man kommer behöva rejält med resurser inför riksdags-, kommunal- och landstingsvalen?

Vill man se lite action får man istället vända sig till Storbritannien.

Där har partiledarna för Liberal Democrats och UK Independence Party – Nick Clegg respektive Nigel Farage – redan debatterat två gånger.

Tyvärr har båda partiledarna för Conservative Party och Labour tackat nej. Anledningen är enkel. Både partiernas partiledare, David Cameron och Ed Miliband, har problem med sin EU-politik.

Tory pressas av många EU kritiska medlemmar och anhängare. Labour är i grunden positiva till Europasamarbetet men vet också att många ute i landet är skeptiska.

Kvar blir då Liberaldemokraterna och UKIP. Liberalerna är klart för medlemskapet. UKIP är lika klart emot. Båda har allt att vinna på att synas och höras med sina tydliga budskap.

Övrigt: Andra debatten mellan Clegg och Farage kan man se här.

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KAMPANJ | Per Schlingmann är inte den ende bland f.d. politiska rådgivare som känner behov av att ge goda råd till en trängd regering inför valrörelsen.

GQ (UK) juli 2013

Innan Andy Coulson tvingades lämna 10 Downing Street, p.g.a. av skandalen kring Rupert Murdochs News of the World, var han director of communications och en av premiärminister David Camerons närmaste rådgivare.

Förra året skev han i tidskriften GQ om hur Cameron skulle kunna rädda sig själv, Conservative Party och koalitionen kvar vid makten. Här följer några utdrag.

1. Sälj in den liberal-konservativa koalitionens framgångar

[T]he party desperately needs to display more self confidence and pride in what has been achieved. Against enormous odds it has delivered real change in education and welfare. It may not be an endless record of reform but, given the circumstances, it’s impressive – and considerably better than Tony Blair managed in his three economically easier terms. To have made historic changes that will make it easier for people to get a good education and a good job is truly something to be proud of. If the party doesn’t find ways to tell that story, no one else will, because cuts will always trump reform in the media. The voters’ patience is wearing thin. It’s now critical that David continues to explain why those cuts are being made and the choice she faced. Every significant media appearance where he fails to get that message across should be considered a failure.

2. Dags att lyfta fram Sam Cameron

Sam Cameron has managed the near impossible: to have lived in Number Ten for three years and maintained a benign and broadly positive press.”

“But the time has now come for Sam to play a more public role and take some risks. She only joined the 2010 campaign once it formally kicked off. She should now be persuaded that the 2015 campaign is already underway and she’s badly needed in the trenches.

3. David Cameron – ”statesman, salesman, family man”

It’s likely that if the British political system doesn’t find a way to reconnect with the national conversation we’ll see a historically low turnout in 2015 […] David remains the British politician most capable of leading this reconnection – not in a knee-jerk, headline-chasing way, but by identifying a handful of issues that really matter to people and actually doing something about them.

4. Boris Johnson, Londons borgmästare, är ett dragplåster och inte en rival

Boris Johnson desperately wants to be prime minister and David has known that fact longer than most. When Boris asked me to pass on the message that he was keen to stand as mayor of London, David responded, ”Well, if he wins, he’ll want my job next.” If proof were needed that our PM is a man untroubled by self doubt, it came in his next sentence, ”So I think he’ll be a bloody brilliant candidate for us.

Number Ten’s Boris strategy should be simple. Support his good ideas, advise privately on the bad ones, but only engage publicly if absolutely necessary – and celebrate Boris’ considerable successes.

5. Dags att lämna rummen på regeringsdepartementen och börja kampanja

It’s time for the prime minister to wean himself off the company of the big brains in the civil service and leave himself more room to operate politically. The reforms are well underway.

The prime minister should spend more time with the people who might actually help win in 2015 rather than senior civil servants who have revelled in the power and professional satisfaction the coalition has brought them.

6. Ta debatten

The debates will carry even more value this time around. They’ll give David a clear opportunity to talk about his achievements in office, the Lib Dem dynamic will be entirely different (I’m looking forward to the first student question) and importantly Miliband, whatever he says, will not be looking forward to the presentational challenges and risks of a live TV debate – quite aside from the intense policy scrutiny they will bring.

So Number Ten should make clear now that the debates are very much on. And whoever is tasked with negotiating the terms should press for a US-style town-hall format to be included. David was always at his best when connecting to an audience directly and thrived on the risk factor. If we made one mistake last time around it was being too protective on the issue of audience participation.

7. Utnyttja minnet av Margaret Thatcher 

Her death will renew those enthusiasms and the next general election will take place very much in her shadow. Both Conservatives and Labour will think this gives them an advantage. David will certainly relish the thought, use it to highlight Red Ed’s true credentials and pounce when his mask of Thatcherite respect inevitably drops. Two years after her death, Baroness Thatcher will play an important role in the next election. Something tells me she wouldn’t have run away from a TV debate.

8. En ballanserad invandrar- och integrationspolitik

One of David’s great successes has been to bring some non-hysterical common sense to the immigration debate. There will be calls for him to do more, to ramp up the rhetoric and concoct some new policies. I’m not convinced that’s where the public are. Broadly speaking, they care less about where someone is from and more about the basic principles of fairness and in particular the impact of immigration on public services.

Unlike the rarely effective but always politically flawed Nigel Farage, when it comes to immigration he should deal in fact and not the stoking of irrational fears.

9. Slå hål på Ed Milibands strategi

Ed Miliband knows that his most likely route to power is to keep his head down, silently hope that the economy continues to go wonky and, well, just be the other guy. This strategy is cynical, sensible and proof that he is dangerously self-aware. And his team who, in the main, know he is a loser and would have much preferred his brother to have won, are all holding their noses and thinking the same.

More seriously, the prime minister must push him to take positions: expose his strategy, challenge him to take a view on the tricky issues opposition politicians love to duck.

10. Påminn om Ed Balls och hans tid under Gordon Brown 

The prime minister should pray that Ed Balls remains shadow chancellor until the election. He should order a dust-down of the dossier detailing how he was at Gordon’s side when every disastrous decision was made. Appointing him as George’s opposite number was the Miliband gift that will keep on giving. For Ed 2 to present himself as the man to lead Britain towards a prosperous future would be funny if it wasn’t so dangerous. Actually no, it is damn funny.

Källa: Artikeln på nätet är en redigerad version av artikeln i papperstidningen.

Bild: En sida från förra årets julinummer av GQ.

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Gráinne Maguire

I really fancy Ed Miliband. Mainly because he looks like David Miliband reflected in a spoon.                                  Gráinne Maguire

Bild: Gráinne Maguire. Citatet från Edinburgh festival: The 100 Best Jokes From This Year

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IMAGE | Borgerligheten i Storbritannien är idag lika splittrad som vänstern var på 1980-talet. Gör man inte något nu riskerar man en valförlust vid nästa val.

The Spectator 28 sep 2013

Om premiärminister David Cameron förlorar nästa val kommer det till stor del bero på att väljarna har övergett de konservativa för UK Independence Party och deras partiledare Nigel Farage.

Detta är anledningen till att allt fler förespråkar någon form av samarbete mellan Conservative Party och UKIP.

Problemet är bara att ingen vet hur ett sådant samarbete skall se ut. Än mindre kan någon garantera att det inte får negativa konsekvenser för Torypartiet.

James Forsyth, politisk redaktör på The Spectator tror inte att Torypartiet kan locka in UKIP i någon form av öppet samarbete.

Istället borde man satsa på att bli bättre på att locka över traditionella arbetarväljare till partiet – en målgrupp som UKIP aktivt uppvaktar.

At present, the main Tory strategy for dealing with Ukip is to hope and pray. They hope that the Ukip vote will collapse as polling day nears. They pray that ultimately Ukip voters will balk at putting the pro-Europe, pro-Human Rights Act, pro-green-energy Ed Miliband into No. 10. Tory strategists point to how Ukip polled close to 20 per cent in the European election in 2009 and then got only 3 per cent of the vote at the general election less than a year later — they see it as a soufflé party that will crumble at the first firm tap. They are confident that voters can distinguish ‘between elections that really matter and elections that don’t’.


A better solution to the Ukip problem is for Cameron to seek a pact not with the Ukip leadership but with its voters — including those who are ex-Labour. If Cameron plays this right, voting Ukip could become the gateway drug to voting Tory for disillusioned Labour voters. Having already slipped the bond of tribal allegiance, they are more likely to be open to persuasion that the Tories are capable of representing them.

To do this, Cameron doesn’t need a new European policy—the pledge of an in-out referendum has not made Ukip go away. But he does need to understand that Ukip is successfully pitching itself as a party of the working class. It now has the support of a fifth of C2DE, the groups that make up blue-collar Britain.

These voters worry that the benefits system has been corrupted. So the Tory emphasis on welfare reform does appeal to them. George Osborne’s benefits cap has addressed some of the most egregious abuses of the system, and I understand that the Tories will have more to say about tough-love welfare next week. But the same voters also think that big companies are making profits at their expense. So Ed Miliband’s new populist socialism — with its promise to cap energy bills — also strikes a chord.

Tidskriftsomslag: The Spectator, 28 september 2013.

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MEDIA | Det bådar illa för Labour att deras partiledare karikeras på nästan identiskt sätt av två konkurrerande nyhetsmagasin.

The Spectator 21 sep 2013

New Statesman 20-26 sep 2013

Både den konservativa tidskriften The Spectator och den till Labour närstående New Statesman har använt figurerna Wallace & Gromit för att ifrågasätta Ed Milibands ledarskap.

Detta är lite märkligt med tanke på att Labour, precis som Socialdemokraterna i Sverige, alltid har en hyfsad ledning i opinionsundersökningarna.

Men till skillnad från Stefan Löfven är Ed Miliband inte lika respekterad, vare sig bland opinionsbildare eller bland politiska motståndare.

Och även inom det egna partiet är det mer än en som tvekar om han är rätt person att leverera en valseger över David Camerons regeringskoalitionen.

Men James Forsyth, politisk redaktör på The Spectator, påpekar att även om Miliband är mer hånad än fruktad gör motståndare ett misstag om man undervärderar Miliband.

A Tory MP bobbed up at Prime Minister’s Questions recently to ask David Cameron whether he was ‘aware that 4 per cent of people believe that Elvis is still alive? That is double the number, we hear today, who think that Edward Miliband is a natural leader?’ The Tory benches tittered, Labour MPs slumped into their seats as if this was a depressingly fair point,  and the Labour leader himself tried not to look too hurt.


For decades now the Westminster voting system has been unfair to the Tories. Boundary changes lag population movements, corralling Tories into larger constituencies. As a result, Labour can win on a far smaller share of the vote than the Tories. Tony Blair secured a comfortable majority in 2005 with 35 per cent of the vote, while David Cameron fell short of one with 36 per cent in 2010. Cameron tried to address this imbalance by reducing the number of MPs and equalising constituency sizes, but the Liberal Democrats — aware of the electoral harm this would do to them — killed the idea off.

Compounding this Tory problem is the rise of Ukip. In effect British elections are decided not by a mass popular vote, but by a handful of swing voters in swing seats. Lord Ashcroft last weekend released a poll of these marginal constituencies which said that Labour’s lead has widened to an almighty 17 points. This was not because Labour has become more popular, but because so many Tory supporters have defected to Ukip. Miliband is also buoyed by the fact that the British left, which split in the 1980s with the creation of the SDP, has reunited. When Clegg jumped into bed with Cameron, just under half of his erstwhile supporters leapt into Labour’s arms.

Tidskriftsomslag: The Spectator (där skuggfinansministern Ed Balls i rollen som Gromit på omslaget), 21 september 2013. New Statesman den 20-26 september 2013. Lägg märke till ordet ”predistribution” – det nya modeordet inom Labour – på sidovagnen.

rå sidovagnen –

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ZZzzzKOMMUNIKATION | Riktigt bra tal är sällsynta. Dåliga eller mediokra är det tyvärr  inte.

Lagom till politikerveckan i Almedalen kommer här en rolig historia från Storbritannien.

Kanske kan den påminna partiledarna om tumregeln att korta tal ofta är bättre än långa.

Ed Miliband strides on to the stage at the Labour Party conference to deliver his speech, welcomed by rapturous applause from party faithful. He begins to speak, and it’s all he can do to make himself heard over cheering: every broadside at the coalition’s economic policies is met by an ovation; every crack at Nick Clegg’s spinelessness makes the room erupt into maniacal guffaws.

But soon, the excitement dies down. The speech seems to be dragging on. And, when Miliband finally comes to a close, the expected standing ovation isn’t forthcoming. He slumps off the stage, and corners his speechwriter in the wings.

“What’s this? he hisses, waving the speech in the terrified writer’s face. “I ask for punchy, 15-minute speech, and you give me three-quarters of an hour? They were bored out of their minds by the end.”

“But sir, I did prepare a 15-minute speech,” the man replies nervously, “I just gave you three copies.”

Anekdoten är hämtad från julinummret av GQ (engelska utgåvan).

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